“It feels as if I have no country anymore”: EU student protests Myanmar military coup

On Monday, Feb. 1, the military in Myanmar, formerly Burma, orchestrated a coup against the elected government and began executing mass arrests of political figures, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. Protests erupted across the nation in response to the installment of the junta, led by General Min Aung Hlaing. 

At least three civilians have been killed during the pro-democracy rallies, yet demonstrators pour into the streets by the thousands, seeming unfettered by the military’s threats of lethal force. 

“The revolution[ary] spirit is almost a Burmese tradition now,” expressed Elmhurst University sophomore, Aye Khant Zaw, who was encouraged by his mom to join the anti-coup resistance. “It is a tragic but a very brave act.” 

The military has a long history of intervening in Myanmar’s political affairs, most notably during the 8888 Uprising at the turn of the twenty-first century and the Saffron Revolution in 2007.

“The military has stubbornly remained central in politics for decades,” explained political science professor Timothy Hazen. “This is just another episode.” 

Zaw told The Leader he was returning to Myanmar from the U.S when news of the coup broke out. As a result, Zaw was held back in Korea for five days before landing at Yangon’s newly deserted airport. 

“As soon as I stepped out of the plane, I felt a sense of dread,” he said. “It felt as if I had no country anymore. The streets that used to be so full of life were dead.” 

In support of the citizens’ struggle for democracy in Myanmar, President Biden has introduced sanctions on military generals and control of U.S. exports to the Southeast Asian country. This week, the European Union suggested subjecting leaders of the coup to similar sanctions. 

Targeting the economic interests of the junta is not necessarily productive, according to Hazen. “It will only further push the Burmese military closer to China.” 

Still, those participating in civil disobedience may benefit from the symbolic significance of sanctions by the international community. “It helps that [the protestors] know the American president, at least verbally, has their back,” noted Hazen. 

Defying the military’s attempt at repressing the pro-democracy movement does not always entail engaging in demonstrations, shared Zaw, who is utilizing social media to spread awareness about misinformation. 

“We also bang pots and pans at 8 p.m. every night to show our rejection of the military government,” he added.

Zaw encourages international observers, including his peers at EU, to “look out for fake news from the Myanmar military,” when consuming information about the coup from online sources. 

It is becoming increasingly difficult to voice concerns against the role of the military in overthrowing Myanmar’s previous government. Hours following the military takeover, a temporary internet blockade barred civilians from accessing platforms such as Facebook, which may be used to nurture anti-coup sentiments. 

The blockade was effective at isolating civilians from one another and disrupting communication. “It showed that the military could cut us off from the rest of the world at will,” said Zaw. 

“The military also released a draft of a cybersecurity law that would make literally posting anything on the internet potentially illegal.” The bill was distributed to telecom carriers and internet service providers on Feb. 9. 

Efforts to penalize online speech are unsurprising, as authorities may be “willing to sacrifice some personal civil liberties in the protection of national security,” elaborated Hazen. 

For Zaw, resistance against the coup falls in line with long-lasting political action to establish a democratic rule in Myanmar. 

“I am surprised myself at how many parents are willing to send their children to protest,” he said. “It’s very encouraging how united people can be at times like this.”